The recent parliamentary recalls triggered by the self-proclaimed interim secretary general of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), Sengezo Tshabangu, is a serious cause of concern that has left many CCC supporters and the nation at large questioning the future of opposition politics in Zimbabwe.
There are basically three critical questions niggling the minds of many. First, does CCC have an effective strategy to take power?
Secondly, how effective is it if they in fact have one?
Thirdly, does CCC clearly understand the viciousness and modus operandi of their opponent, Zanu PF ?
At first glance, one might think that CCC has a strategy. The party leadership’s charismatic and eloquent speeches, crowd pulling publicity stunts and social media pomp, gives this impression. Far from it, CCC lacks the necessary teeth to bite deep into, and tear up Zanu PF .
The party is evidently replete with contradictions and is frequently unclear in its organization, form, and strategy, challenges that have been entrenched by their so-called philosophy of ‘‘strategic ambiguity.’’
Job Sikhala was right when he publicly questioned the strategy that CCC has in place to translate widespread popularity of the party’s leadership into political power.
Despite having evident widespread support, Nelson Chamisa has failed to unseat President Emmerson Mnangagwa twice in a general election.
In the just ended August 2023 election, the party failed to deploy polling agents at all the 12,374 polling stations in the country’s 210 constituencies to secure the necessary V11s.
CCC has also failed to buffer itself from frequent and systematic tendencies of infiltration by Zanu PF . This was compounded by the absence of organizational party structures and a constitution to provide operational guidelines.
Again, despite securing a considerable number of parliamentary seats over the years, CCC has failed to deliver on political and electoral reforms.
It has also failed to apply adequate pressure on the state to expedite Sikhala’s trial and release.
Some critical voices like Hopewell Chin’ono expressed disappointment in the party’s inability to provide a shadow cabinet.
Lastly, it has taken more time for CCC to realize how futile it is to bank on the international community to pressure Zanu PF to reform.
SADC’s inaction on the allegations of electoral malpractice raised by the party in September is a typical example.
All these challenges are not supposed to injuriously affect a political party that has widespread support and that is organized and efficiently run.
In fact, the party should leverage its widespread support to organize and execute spirited mass action to secure political power.
Given this, there are therefore two things involved, either that the party does not have the widespread support they seem or claim to have, or that they are just not organized enough as a party!
The latter seems more accurate.
Going forward, CCC needs to critically rethink t
heir strategy and plan of action. But what effective strategy should they adopt? It is best to bear in mind that the viciousness of Zanu PF ’s modus operandi is key to informing the strategy that works best.
It is public knowledge that Zanu PF does not always follow the constitution, systematically employs violence against its political opponents, does not respect democracy and human rights, and has no interest in conducting free, fair and credible elections. It is therefore illogical, self-defeating, and delusional to think that such a party can be ousted through what we like to call ‘‘moderate clerical politicking,’ or the timidity politics of avoiding confrontation with the regime.
The fact that the courts of law and every other key state institution are captured by the ruling party renders every effort to challenge Zanu PF through the courts meaningless.
There is overwhelming evidence to prove this.
Speaking at a rally, President Mnangagwa once declared, ‘‘we are the army, we are the air force, we are the police, we are the courts, we are everywhere. We determine who can do mining in Zimbabwe, we determine who can construct a railway line in Zimbabwe, we determine who can build a road in Zimbabwe and no other party can do so.’’
Such statements should not be taken lightly, they reflect Zanu PF 's organizational leverage and control of Zimbabwe’s political landscape.
CCC must realize that the game is up and that it cannot continue cuddling Zanu PF in its madness and continued violation of the constitution unless it is deliberately complicit!
Any reliance on the principle of separation of powers or the independence of State
institutions is naivety at best. CCC must embrace radical politics!
In simplistic terms, this means two things. First, CCC must totally disengage from the government to render it completely illegitimate and unconstitutional.
This would mean pulling out of parliament, the senate, and all other government bodies in which members of CCC are office bearers. It would also mean absolving completely from any form of dialogue with Zanu PF until their demands are met.
This would trigger international outcry by subjecting Zanu PF ’s legitimacy as a government in question. It will also affect Mnangagwa’s re-engagement efforts on the international scene.
It is important for CCC members to know that there is no justification to continue hanging on to public office when they are unable to effect any meaningful change except receiving parliamentary benefits and being comically called honorable.
If they continue to be in government, they will be legitimizing Zanu PF ’s government.
Zanu PF fears losing legitimacy and jeopardizing its image as a government founded on legal authority, democratic processes, and public trust.
Illegitimacy will adversely impact the ability to get citizens to willfully participate in the economy, including the day-to-day activities that make a nation function.
It can also trigger international isolation and drive away both domestic and foreign investment.
This means crisis, and Zanu PF does not want this.
Secondly, CCC must organize organic street confrontations against Zanu PF ’s misrule in the form of civil disobedience, demonstrations, stay-aways, and strikes, which are permissible under law. This should not be confused with armed or violent resistance. There is a prevailing view that, because Zanu PF assumed power through militant action, it can only be overthrown by violent campaigns.
This is misleading.
Violent campaigns and armed rebellions are now more challenging to organize and execute because the state almost always has the upper hand when it comes to the use of force.
Studies have shown that non-violent campaigns are nearly twice as effective as armed rebellions.
In their book, Why Civil Resistance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict, Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan examined 323 cases of violent and non-violent movements to assess which were more effective in achieving their stated goal of regime change.
Much to their surprise, Chenoweth and Stephan found that nonviolent movements were nearly twice as effective as armed action.
In Zimbabwe today, the transition to democracy and economic recovery is hamstrung by moderate clerical politicking. It is high time that opposition parties be more vigilant, radical, and confrontational in their demands for change.
This can be achieved without anarchy, violence or arson. Collective mass action works! With the advent of social media, it is easier to make things move quickly.
The CCC and the general citizenry can leverage this to their advantage and expedite the process. The backlash from the state will push the immiserated citizens to the very edge, inspiring them to be innovative and be creative in fighting for what is rightfully theirs.
Overall, it is important to note that whatever strategy that CCC currently has is not
delivering the desired results.
Disengaging from the government and resorting to mass action has the potential to widespread condemnation of Zanu PF ’s government, a move that can exert pressure on Zanu PF to reform political and electoral practice.
Chikwaza is a political scientist and sustainable development researcher. He is currently a PhD candidate in the School of History and Geography at Dublin City University, Ireland. Chikumbu is a historian and political economist. He is currently a teaching associate, PhD (Abd) candidate and Frederick Gilbert Bauer research fellow in the Department of History at the University of Massachusetts Amherst in the United States.