The dangers of colonial nostalgia and amnesia

THE legacy of colonialism remains a stain on our society — something that cannot be whitewashed.

It remains a source of trauma — a source of collective pain.

Four decades after independence, its ghost still haunts us.

In Zimbabwean discourses, colonialism is often trivialised.

It is portrayed as a vestige of the past, a mere chapter in history.

It is seen as a problem belonging to some distant era, an experience that no longer affects our daily lives.

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This perspective of colonialism as a bygone era is not only ignorant and misguided, it is dangerous.

The colonial nostalgia and amnesia that has seized the minds of some Zimbabweans is not only a damning indictment on our country’s education system.

It is also a reflection of our toxicity, ignorance and delusion in the search for an elusive Zimbabwe dream.

It reflects the unresolved challenges of the Zimbabwean post-colonial State: How to find its place, define its destiny and articulate its vision.

Some people have become desperate for a better story to emulate or aspire to.

Instead of looking at the future, they look in the rearview mirror and somehow see a golden age.

Colonial nostalgia is a tendency to romanticise and glorify the colonial past. It is a sentimental longing for the colonial era.

It is the overlooking of the negative aspects of colonisation such as oppression and exploitation.

It is the belief that things were “good” or “better” under colonial rule.

It is the inability to remember history objectively. It is a loss of memory.

Colonial amnesia is the forgetting or downplaying of colonialism’s enduring impacts.

It is the failure to remember its historical atrocities and lasting effects.

It is the misrepresentation and distortion of colonialism’s full history.

It is also a loss of memory.

History and memory overlap but are not the same. History is a factual record, but at the same time, it is not simply “fact”.

History involves the interpretation of facts.

People can analyse and present history based on their subjective understanding of the past.

This interpretation can vary depending on the source, context, or motive.

Memory is a recollection of history.

It is what a society remembers about history.

Memory can be incomplete, selective and subjective.

People can choose what they remember voluntarily or be induced to do so.

The question now is how as a country did we reach a point where some people find it a noble and justifiable cause to glorify colonialism without compunction?

I argue that this is a product of Stockholm syndrome and an inferiority complex born out of frustration and delusion.

Stockholm syndrome is a psychological condition where victims develop positive feelings towards their captor or abuser.

People who suffer from Stockholm syndrome experience confusing feelings of love, sympathy, empathy or desire towards their abuser.

Stockholm syndrome is also a coping mechanism for a captive or abusive situation.

The same people who glorify colonialism, want to escape the status quo which they despise wholeheartedly.

People who glorify colonialism could be subconsciously legitimising the status quo.

It will be contradictory for one to cherish colonialism and simultaneously criticise the status quo they wish to escape.

Those who lionise colonialism also suffer from an inferiority complex — a psychological state of self-doubt and low self-esteem.

Colonialism, at its core, aimed to undermine African self-confidence by portraying African culture as inferior and uncivilised.

Colonial nostalgia and amnesia have profound ideological implications.

They reinforce a sense of powerlessness and dependency.

When we revere colonial rule, we implicitly accept the idea that African governance is inferior.

We implicitly accept the idea that African societies are fundamentally flawed and need to be “saved” by external forces.

It makes us question our capacity for self-governance.

It makes us feel like we are innately incapable of managing our affairs.

It undermines the very principles of Pan-Africanism and self-determination that underpin our independence.

It limits our aspirations and potential.

Colonial nostalgia and amnesia that morph into the idealisation of colonial rule are inherently dangerous. If left unchecked, these forces prevent us from understanding the deep and entrenched structural inequalities that continue to bedevil our society.

Colonial nostalgia and amnesia are treacherous because they perpetuate oppressive narratives, hinder meaningful reconciliation and allow injustices to continue unabated without proper acknowledgment or accountability.

The colonial project subjected African natives to untold suffering, from the dispossession of land, forced labour and discriminatory laws, to violent repression.

This experience left many scars.

These scars run deep.

These memories are still alive in many Zimbabweans.

Romanticising this dark period is an insult to those who suffered under it.

The colonial project had several imperatives.

The “revenue” imperative sought to exploit African resources through plunder, force and brutality.

It dispossessed the African native land and paved the way for settler commercial agriculture and mining.

It also included the imposition of levies, such as the “Hut tax”, which forced Africans into cheap labour.

The “hegemony” imperative sought to dominate the natives by denying them civil rights and liberties, such as the right to vote — a right many young Zimbabweans now take for granted.

The struggle for universal suffrage was central to Zimbabwe’s independence movements, supported by the “one person, one vote” principle.

The “civilising mission” imperative was to justify colonisation and all its vices, under the pretext of bringing law, order and enlightenment to the “savages” or “primitives”.

Those who glorify colonisation often focus on a distorted view of the “civilising mission”.

In the book, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism, Mahmood Mamdani, describes the colonial State in Africa as a “bifurcated State”.

It was a State with two orders: One for the white settlers and the other for the African natives.

All three imperatives were accomplished through synchronised brutality and violence perpetrated by the colonial powers.

Whatever colonisation brought, technology or infrastructure it came at a price.

Whatever benefits colonisation offered, they were the preserve of a few.

The First and Second Chimurenga in Zimbabwe sought to reverse the injustices of colonialism.

While the demise of the colonial State might have signified political independence — the realities are far more complex.

The dismantling of the colonial State did not lead to the destruction of its structures.

It left profound imprints.

These structures endure in various forms.

Colonialism left a legacy of inequality and economic underdevelopment.

The colonial project denied the African natives access to the means of production: land, labour and capital.

This is why independence leaders such as Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo (all late) were inspired by communist or socialist ideologies to address economic inequalities — they wanted the redistribution of wealth to ensure Africans had control over their resources.

Colonialism left a legacy of dependency.

Dependency theorists argue that in the post-independence era, resources continue to flow from the periphery (poor States) to the core (rich States), at the latter’s expense.

Poor countries continue to rely on rich countries and this dynamic was set during the colonial era.

After countries gained political independence they did not attain economic independence.

This model left a lasting effect on former colonies — many of which remain among the poorest in the world today.

The persistence of poverty and inequality in countries such as Zimbabwe is not a failure of African governance per se, but a direct result of colonial policies that prioritised the needs of the colonial powers over those of the indigenous population.

Colonialism also disrupted the social fabric of African society — it exacerbated ethnic and cultural divisions.

Colonial powers used “divide and conquer” tactics, often sowing seeds of ethnic division.

The imposition of Western values led to the destruction of indigenous culture.

Many practices, such as African traditional religion, were considered “heathen”, while European culture was deemed the epitome of civilisation.

Cultural erasure continues to have ramifications, as post-colonial States like Zimbabwe struggle to reclaim their heritage or assert their cultural identity.

When we forget the horrors of the past, we risk repeating them.

As philosopher George Santayana said: “Those who forget their history are condemned to repeat it.”

History is not only a series of events; it is a lesson that informs our present and future.

• Innocent  Mpoki is a PhD student in the Political Science Department at Boston College. He writes here in his personal capacity.