POLITICS, according to social scientists, is loosely translated as a battle to control resources with man putting political contestation as a means to ensure equitable distribution of whatever is found within a certain territory.

For many in Zimbabwe, politics has become the source of hope after years of economic and social decay. The August 23 harmonised election was, for many, the only way to vote out the misery, equated to the ruling Zanu PF.

However, as the year comes to an end, the hope has died, and Zimbabweans continue to wallow in poverty while Zanu PF rules at a time when the opposition Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) plunges into more turmoil than ever.

The year 2023 started with the country bracing for elections. And as is synonymous with an election year, new political parties emerged ahead of the polls. Firstly, there was the Elisabeth Valerio-led United Zimbabwe Alliance (UZA) which was launched in Harare.

It was a chance for people to grab a free T-shirt and try to find the way home after getting a bite sponsored by a person virtually unknown in Zimbabwean politics. This was a clear illustration of the year ahead.

The silly season

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It did not take long before more presidential hopefuls emerged — 23 of them. Self-exiled former Cabinet minister and Zanu PF political commissar Saviour Kasukuwere vowed to remove President Emmerson Mnangagwa from State House.

Mnangagwa took his time to proclaim the nomination dates and, subsequently, the polling day. The nomination courts sat on June 22 with 11 candidates successfully filing their nomination papers for the presidential race.

The incumbent was pitted against Joseph MakambaBusha of Free Zim Congress, Nelson Chamisa of CCC and Trust Chikohora of ZCPD among others.

Drama as usual

Drama ahead was guaranteed from the start.

The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec), in one of its several bungles, rejected Valerio’s nomination papers, forcing her to rush to the High Court, where she won her case.

Lady Luck was, however, not in another presidential hopeful, Linda Masarira’s favour after her legal challenge against Zec was dismissed at the High Court.

She was barred from contesting in the presidential poll for failing to raise the US$20 000 nomination fee.

More and more drama

Zanu PF’s chicanery knows no boundaries. Any politician knows what contesting against Zanu PF means. In July, a Zanu PF youth league member Lovedale Mangwana challenged Kasukuwere’s candidature in the High Court.

Mangwana argued that Kasukuwere was not qualified to be a candidate in terms of Section 91 of the Constitution. He said Kasukuwere had been absent from his constituency for more than 18 months and was not a registered voter. 

The High Court agreed with Mangwana and on July 12, it set aside Kasukuwere’s nomination and barred him from the presidential election. His Supreme Court appeal was thrown out.

The judges ruled that they were of the firm belief “that the appeal lacks merit.” 

The former vibrant politician went to the Constitutional Court where he found no joy.

Mnangagwa, Chamisa again

While 12 candidates successfully filed their nomination papers as candidates, it was not surprising to see the presidential candidate losing ground. When Kasukuwere lost his chance to challenge Mnangagwa — his nemesis since the pre-November 2017 coup — the race was left to two serious candidates, that is, Mnangagwa and Chamisa.

It might be enticing to talk of Mwonzora and the MDC. However, his rise to try and fill in the huge shoes left by the late Morgan Richard Tsvangirai faltered.

The people will never forgive Mwonzora.

They are angry after seeing the MDC die before their eyes since the courts and state machinery helped him to wrestle control of the opposition party from Chamisa and the Harvest House, seen as the spiritual home of democratic resistance in Zimbabwe.

Mwonzora slunk out of the race at the 11th hour after correctly reading the script that he had no support to speak of.

Same script, same players

Mnangagwa’s campaign was of a man who was relaxed and ready for whatever the outcome.

It was as if he knew the election outcome way before the polls.

Zanu PF did not bother to publish a manifesto. By February, ships with party regalia were docked at the Port of Durban as the ruling party flaunted its deep pockets.

Mnangagwa had unleashed Forever Associates Zimbabwe (Faz) and Heritage Trust on the electorate.

He spent millions on vehicles, gadgets, and allowances to drum up support for his victory. Faz had already left a lot of disgruntled party cadres when Zanu PF chose its candidates.

The showy group was also responsible for the party’s restructuring programmes.

It was a bloodbath after the internal polls but Mnangagwa was, seemingly, ready for the election.

Mnangagwa presided over a series of rallies with a message that lacked depth.

The boredom was palpable, especially among thousands of “supporters” bused to rallies. They only enjoyed partaking in free chicken and chips, fizzy drinks, getting the Zanu regalia, and sometimes, bottled water.

Chamisa excitement, disappointment

While Zanu PF was claiming large crowds at its rallies, Chamisa was winning the hearts of many wherever he went.

No one was frog-matched to his rallies, let alone the enticement of food and drink.

People were attending Chamisa’s rallies out of love for the CCC president.

Chamisa charmed many with his energy and vivacity, the polar opposite to the Zanu PF candidate.

He was holding at least three rallies per day attracting tens of thousands.

Chamisa had no buses, he had no traditional leader whipping supporters to his rallies and people sold yellow regalia for their sustenance. It was only a matter of time before the Damascene moment.

So disenfranchised were voters that they did not want to recount their experience on August 23. There were no ballot papers for the voters on voting day, especially, in CCC strongholds.

The voting process was painstakingly slow. Experts said Chamisa was once again a victim of Zanu PF’s treacherous machinations.

The logistical glitches even shocked election observers. Sadc, the African Union, the European Union, and Carter Centre observers condemned the outcome.

Local election observers had been muzzled early on the polling day.

 Enter Tshabangu

With Chamisa, independent, regional, and international elections observers screaming hoarse on the “sham” election, the CCC received a proverbial knockout punch.

One Sengezo Tshabangu started recalling its legislators and councilors.

As Tshabangu continues to decimate the CCC, no one knows whom he is representing after Zanu PF sought distanced itself from him. Those he purportedly represents, CCC heavyweights Tendai Biti, Welshman Ncube, and Charlton Hwende, don’t want to be associated with him.

Zanu PF is salivating as an imminent two-thirds majority is on the horizon.

“We told you so”

Chamisa went into the harmonised elections riding on what he called ‘strategic ambiguity’ for fear of infiltration.

He had no structures and still works with a few anointed individuals. Even former national spokesperson Fadzai Mahere was cast out.

Chamisa campaigned alone. His colleagues relied on the grapevine to follow him at the rallies. He apparently trusted no one and his erstwhile comrades have seemingly turned against him.

In all this, the average Zimbabwean knows they are alone in the fight for emancipation from the grip of poverty fashioned by those who have anointed themselves as their rulers.