ZIMBABWE’S elections since 1980 have been blighted by disputes and August 23 polls look no different.
The culprits are the same — partial or politicised State institutions ranking from the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (Zec), Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) to State-controlled media — Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) to the Zimbabwe Newspapers (Zimpapers) stable.
The theme of disputes had a long trend starting with Ndabaningi Sithole, Edgar Tekere, Morgan Tsvangirai to Nelson Chamisa and any other opposition leaders in between.
Despite the ushering in of a new Constitution in May 2013, State institutions remained partisan. They acted as if they were extensions of the ruling Zanu PF party. Some staff members of the organisations brazenly spoke publicly of their partisanship and some even sought public office without an iota of shame.
The elections management body, Zec has repeatedly failed to do its statutory function like availing the voters roll to nominated candidates in time.
The worst was when in 2018 Zec declared Zanu PF candidate Dexter Nduna as the winner of Chegutu West although he had actually lost to MDC Alliance’s Gift Konjana.
The Judiciary did not make the case any better when it dismissed Konjani’s applications on legal technicalities when it could have adjudicated the matter on merits. This further amplifies the conspiracy that these institutions go out of their way to support Zanu PF.
The ZRP has fared no better. Over the years, politically-motivated violence has become part and parcel of each electoral cycle. Many researches have shown that Zanu PF members and supporters are the majority of the culprits.
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However, the police in many cases are reluctant to arrest these goons. In cases where they investigate, they do a shoddy job that many of the accused are released on bail or the cases crumble before they commence in court.
The police do not only fail to do their duties in investigating politically-motivated crimes, but it further suppresses political activities of opposition political parties.
Frequently, the ZRP as the regulator of public gatherings always conjures up flimsy reasons to ban opposition rallies, thus tilting the electoral field in Zanu PF’s favour.
This week, in a leaked internal memo, ZRP big wigs said: “Commanders should note that for elections to be deemed free, fair, peaceful and credible, the playing field should be reckoned as level, hence the police actions should not discredit the processes.
“The regulatory authorities should acquaint themselves with the provisions of the Electoral Act and MOPA [Maintenance of Peace and Order Act] so as to make informed decisions. The purpose of this legal instrument is for the police to prepare and take actions aimed at ensuring that any political activity is done peacefully.”
When the memo landed in the public domain, the ZRP was red in the face and sought to flush out the whistleblowers instead of reiterating its position in the memo that resonated with its constitutional obligations.
It tweeted: “The ZRP has taken note of an internal memorandum directed to police commanders from Commander 2023 harmonised elections which was leaked to the media. The ZRP advises the public and the media that the leaked memorandum was a communication guide which was meant for police commanders not for public or media consumption.”
As if the mountains of obstacles by Zec and ZRP are not enough, Zimpapers and ZBC jump in by creating information blackouts on the opposition and in rare moments that they report on them — it is frequently in the negative.
Public media is under the spotlight not for any other reason except that they are publicly funded media and hence they have a duty to all citizens, unlike private media.
For the avoidance of doubt, there are established public broadcasting principles and examples include the BBC in the United Kingdom and SABC next door in South Africa.
Opposition members during election times are covered live and they are heard by the electorate speaking for themselves. This can be done, but the people at public media in Zimbabwe have decided to be incorrigible from being partisan.
The High Court in 2019 ruled that the State-controlled media should behave like public media. They should give equitable space or airtime to all political parties. Despite the Justice Joseph Mafusire judgment, the State-owned media have not changed their ways.
The public media’s delinquency has not been helped by the moribund Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC), the independent commission in charge of media regulation.
ZMC has powers to monitor and sanction all media which fail to give equitable coverage to political parties during elections.
Going into the August 23 general actions like others before, ZMC has remained mum on the partisan reportage of public media. It has not publicly censured any media house in the run-up to the polls so far. This is gross dereliction of State duties.
President Emmerson Mnangagwa and his regime have not been any better in defending the Constitution. The Zanu PF government has done practically nothing on the 2018 Kgalema Monthlante commission recommendations to make polls credible.
It may be too late to discuss electoral reforms because we are past the hour. Since the elections proclamation was gazetted, no new laws can be enacted and have an effect on the August 23 polls.
It is, however, important to note that the laws and regulations are there in our laws that can give us a near credible election, but State institutions are deliberately not doing their work.
It is beyond doubt that if the ZRP arrests instigators of political violence and the National Prosecuting Authority of Zimbabwe does its best, political violence will be a thing of the past. Zec, ZBC and Zimpapers can do better in their conduct during the election period.
These institutions may need a root and branch shake-up of their staff and inhouse policies if Zimbabwe’s democracy has to thrive. They are becoming a hindrance and should be excised from our body politic. These are reforms which should be done immediately post the August 23 polls.
It is, however, important to note that the laws and regulations are there in our laws that can give us a near credible election, but State institutions are deliberately not doing their work.
It is beyond doubt that if the ZRP arrests instigators of political violence and the National Prosecuting Authority of Zimbabwe does its best, political violence will be a thing of the past. Zec, ZBC and Zimpapers can do better in their conduct during the election period.
These institutions may need a root and branch shake-up of their staff and inhouse policies if Zimbabwe’s democracy has to thrive. They are becoming a hindrance and should be excised from our body politic. These are reforms which should be done immediately post the August 23 polls.
Paidamoyo Muzulu is a journalist based in Harare. He writes here in his personal capacity.
